AMARENDRA YADAV
With the elections round the corner,all-out efforts are being made to let out the genie of Maratha reservations out of the bottle. The Congress–NCP government
in Maharashtra, bowing to the growing demand of the Maratha organisations, has constituted a committee headed by the state industries and employment minister Narayan Rane to study the demandand make recommendations.The committee will soon start touring the state.
The different politicians associated with this movement have their own arguments. Senior BJP leader Gopinath Munde says that providing reservations to the deprived classes was the need of the hour. “Eighty per cent of the Marathas are backward and hence the government should immediately provide reservations to them in educational institutions and in jobs,” says Munde. On the other hand, Madhukar Rao of the NCP says: “Reservation is a sensitive issue. We have constituted the Narayan Rane committee to look into all aspects of the issue. We should wait for the report of the committee.”The Republican Party of India leader (Athavale), however, makes a direct pitch for reservations for Marathas without any ifs and buts.Social organisations have a different take on the issue. FORWARD Press talked to the groups associated with the Maratha agitation. Prof. Shravan Devre, President of OBC Arakshan Bachao Samiti (committeefor the protection of OBC reservations) quotes a Marathi saying Kunbi Maatla, Aami Maratha Jhala. He says, “The Mandal Commission had included Kunbis among the OBCs. The Kunbis, basically, are Marathas. But the Marathas consider Kunbis, who are
economically weaker, as inferior. When a large number of Kunbis started getting selected from the OBC quota, it hurt the ego of the Marathas, who consider themselves to be superior and more civilised. Hence, they started demanding reservation for themselves. When Kunbis, who are Marathas, are already in the ambit of OBC reservations, there is no need for separate reservations to the Marathas. In case the government, for political benefit, wants to give them reservation, it can do so but by making a separate, special provision.The OBCs have no objection to it.” The views of Shashikant Pawar, the president of All India Maratha Sangh are different. “Three former successive chief ministers Vilasrao Deshmukh, Ashok Chavan and Prithiviraj Chavan assured that Marathas will be given reservation but did nothing to keep their promise. When the Haryana government can give 10 per cent reservation to the Rajputs
of that state, why is the Maharashtra government dragging its feet on giving reservation to Marthas is difficult to understand. That is why, we are struggling to secure the rights of the Marathas, who are economically weak and facing large-scale unemployment. We won’t rest till we get justice for the Marathas,” Pawar says.
MARATHAS AND RESERVATIONS
Officially, there is no caste called Marathas in the country. All the residents of Maharashtra, who associate themselves with Shivaji are called Marathas. The state chief minister Prithviraj Chavan and deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar are both Marathas and so are most of the cabinet ministers. The Marathas control most of the sugar mills and are dominant in the socio-political and economic spheres in Maharashtra. The Marathas are the support base of both the
NCP and the Congress. In 1902, Shahuji Maharaj, a descendent of Shivaji and the ruler of
Kolhapur, for the first time in the country, gave 50 per cent reservations to Bahujans in the services under his government. The Marathas were included in this 50 per cent reservation. In 1982,when Babasaheb Bhonsle was the chief minister, Anna ji, an MLA, had, for the first time raised the demand for reservations for the Marathas. Since 1982 then, a plethora of committees were formed to consider the issue but with no result. Initially, the Marathas demanded that they should be included among the OBCs. But when the OBCs opposed the demand, they changed their stance and began seeking separate reservation for them, without tinkering with the OBC quota. Presently, the ball is the court of the NCP–Congress coalition
government. But one thing is for sure. Whatever decision the government takes will have long-term and profound impacton the politics and society of Maharashtra.
(Published in Forward Press, September, 2013 Issue)
Forward Press.
The month of September reminds us of two great personalities of South India. 17 September is the birth
anniversary of Periyar E Ramasamy while it was on 20
September, 85 years back, that Narayan Guru passed away.
Periyar E. Ramasamy (17 September 1879 – 24December
1973) was a Dravidian social reformer and statesman, who
launched 'Atmasamman movement' (Self-respect
movement) and founded Dravid Kazgham. Rationalism, selfrespect, social reform, eradication of caste and women's rights were the cornerstones of Periyar's philosophy. It was he who critically analyzed the history of exploitation and persecution of the Dravidians by the Aryans. Narayan Guru (22 August, 1956 – 20 September 1928) is considered the most powerful anti-Brahmanism spiritual leader of South India. Like Periyar, he launched a movement for creating a feeling of self-respect among the backward classes. Both the great personalities established a large number of educational and other institutions which are flourishing even today and are
playing a key role in the movement of social reform through crores of their followers. FORWARD Press salutes these two towering personalities.
(Published in Forward Press, September, 2013 Issue)
Forward Press.
JITENDRA YADAV
If that report (Mandal report) is implemented properly,
the centuries’ old Varna and Caste system is bound to
collapse. That is why, the patrons of Varna system are
gathering their forces for a final battle. This greatest battlein India’s history will be fought in the coming years.” –Mastram Kapoor, writer and political analyst.The question of representation is not new to India.About 140 years ago, deposing before the first HunterCommission (1872), Mahatma Jotiba Phule pleaded for adequate representation to Shudras-Atishudras in jobs through the instrument of reservations. And in 1902,Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj added a new chapter to the history of social justice by granting 50percent reservations to backward communities in jobs in his princely state of Kolhapur. In modern India, the foundingfathers of our Constitution gave primacy to social justice in the Preamble to the Constitutions. It was in keeping with
constitutional provisions that the Backward Classes Commissionwas constituted twice but its report could implemented only in 1990. It is now more than 20 years since the implementation of OBC reservations in India but from the arguments being advanced by antireservationists,
it seems that this is a very current issue. Equality of opportunity versus special treatment, merit,
quality, the national interest – they do not want us to extricate ourselves from the web of the same old, clichéd arguments and counter-arguments. It is apparent from the social turmoil over the ‘new reservation rules’ of the Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission (UPPSC) and the various court judgments that followed in its wake, that the challenges before the forces of social justice are turner more and more serious. This was clear from the pro-reservation and anti-reservation protests in Uttar Pradesh in July-August, 2013. UTTAR PRADESH: LOGJAM OVER RESERVATIONS As soon as the result of the ‘combined state upper / subordinate
(mains) exams 2011’, held under the new ‘three-tier reservation formula’ devised by the UPPSC at its meeting on 27 May, 2013, was declared on 4 July, 2013, all hell broke loose. Under the ‘new reservation rules’ 270 reserved class candidates were declared successful against the general quota. The upper castes candidates moved the Allahabad High Court against the new rules and quickly began a protest right outside the High Court building. To bring pressure to bear upon the government and the court, the antireservationists took to violence. On 15 July many incidents of violence were reported from different parts of the state. The protestors not only targetted public property but also offices of the Samajwadi Party and homes of its leaders. Armed with lathis and sticks, thousands of Upper caste students stormed Allahabad. The media joined them in peddling the propaganda that the new rules were
drafted only to benefit a certain caste (Yadav). They wrote "Yadav Loksewa Ayog" at the main gate of the UPPSC. The fact was that candidates of all SC/ST and OBC castes had cleared the exam in proportionately larger numbers. Since UP has a substantial Yadav population, hence the number of Yadav candidates was higher. Be that as it may, on July 26, Mulayam Singh Yadav held talks with the anti-reservationists. They were assured that the "government supports the old rules and if the court shoots down the new rules, the government would not go in appeal". This was hint enough for the bureaucracy. Overnight, the UPPSC withdrew the results based on the new rules. ANTI-RESERVATIONISTS TARGET KRISHNA AND COWS
The anti-reservationists, during their agitation, indulged in some unheard-of activities. As soon as the government went on the back-foot on the issue, the anti-reservationists took out a victory procession in Allahabad. During this procession, cows and buffaloes were mercilessly beaten and vessels containing milk were upturned on the roads. The mob attacked a dairy called "Krishna’. The pictures of Krishna, hanging on the walls, were torn and trampled upon. The entire stock of milk and curd in the dairy was thrown on the road. How frenzied the mob was can be gauged from the fact that the Krishna dairy, which was attacked, is not owned any Yadav. It is owned by a Vaishya’ family and the owner is known as Gupta ji in the neighbourhood. The upper caste students selectively vandalized the shops where they saw pictures of Krishna hanging. When all this was going on, no one knows where the Hindutvadis, who keep on telling the backward castes that the cow is their mother and that Krishna was an incarnation of Vishnu, were hiding. Where were the sadhus, the sants, the mahants and the Shankaracharyas? The VHP, which was established for ‘Go Raksha’ (protection of the cow) is yet to react to these happenings. This, when Praveen Togadia’s house is also located in Allahabad. PRO-RESERVATIONISTS SOUND THE BUGLE The victory procession of the anti-reservationists and the Akhilesh government dragging its feet on the implementation of the new rules forced the backward students, who were silent till then, to take to the streets. Thousands of OBC students demonstrated in Allahabad. Their number was so large that the government and the media were taken aback and the upper castes celebrating their victory were terrified. The protestors carried placards saying ‘No reservation, no vote’ and ‘General
category is not the name of any caste,’ etc. These students announced that on 30 July, they would ‘gherao’ the Vidhan Sabha at Lucknow. On that date, around 20,000 students took out a march on the streets of Lucknow. They had come from different parts of the state. Lathis were
rained by upper caste officials on the students, who were hoping that ‘their government’ would do justice to them. Despite the use of force, the pro-reservationists continued with their protest before the Vidhann Sabha for two days. On the second day, after his return from Chennai,
the chief minister invited them for talks. The chief minister told the proreservation students in clear terms that the ‘Commission would declare results as per old reservation rules only’. Disappointed by the chief minister’s stance, the students decided to continue their agitation till the implementation of the ‘right reservation rules’. After their meeting with the Chief Minister at Lucknow, the pro-reservationists returned to Allahabad and intensified their Arakshan Bachao (Save reservations) campaign. On Mandal Diwas 7 August, they took out a candle march. Inspite of the bad weather, thousands of pro-reservation students gathered at Balsan square and marched to Subhash Chowk in a single file. During the entire agitation, the Hindi newspapers gave prominence to news related to the anti--reservationists while either blacking out or distorting the news of the activities of the pro-reservationists. Dainik Jagran did this most blatantly. During the march, the pro-reservationists attacked the office of Dainik Jagran and pulled down the newspaper’s hoardings etc. Several students and student leaders were arrested on the charge of attacking the newspaper office. They were released on bail on the
eve of the 67th Independence Day and on the same day, the UPPSC announced the new results based on old rules. The pro-reservation protests, spread to Lucknow from Allahabad. On 6 August, the ‘Bharati Vidhyarthi Morcha staged a huge demonstration in front of the Vidhan Sabha under the leadership of Vinod Kumar Tejyav, former minister and state director of
the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and JS Kashyaps. Dozens of other organizations also staged demonstrations. These included Ambedkar Mahasabha under the leadership of Dr. Lalji Nirmal, Bharatiya Yuva Sansad under the leadership of Amresh
Yadav, Arakshan Bachao Sangharsh Samiti under the leadership of Avdhesh Kumar Verma and Rashtriya Bhagidari Andolan under the leadership of Sushil Chandra Gautam.
MOVEMENT OF PRO-RESERVATIONISTS CONTINUES Despite the Uttar Pradesh government succumbing to the pressure of the upper castes, the OBC students have not given up. Significantly, the upper caste media shifted into the silent mode as soon as the pro-reservationists intensified their agitation. Now, it is carrying nether pro nor anti-reservation stories. Going by the agitating students, their agitation would continue till the Lok Sabha polls and would also influence it. The proreservationists have decided to hold an OBC
Mahapanchayat at Allahabadon 10 December.The Akhilesh government might have gone back on the new reservation rules but it has shown a new way to the OBC students. Now it depends on them as to for how long and how strongly they can struggle for it. As of now, besides battling on the streets,the 270 reserved category students, affected by the government decision have also moved the court.
(Published in Forward Press, September, 2013 Issue)
Forward Press.
A JNU research scholar, Jitendra Yadav is the national
president of All India Backward Students' Forum
