Tuesday, 27 August 2013

OBC literature should emerge out of the shadow of Brahmanical-Feudal Literature,

                                                                                           JAIPRAKASH  KARDAM
One of most important debates that raged in the field of Hindi Literature during the year gone by was the one on OBC literature, initiated by Dr. Rajendra Prasad Singh. It began with his article 'Concept of OBC literature' published in the July 2011 issue of FORWARD Press. He advocates the need for OBC literature with the argument that “When there can be Dalit literature, why can't there be OBC literature?” Behind his thesis of OBC literature is the complaint or the anguish that “The doors of Hindi Dalit Literature are open only to the writers of Scheduled Castes. The space for OBC litterateurs in it is shrinking gradually”. Dr. Rajendra Prasad Singh is a well-known linguist and critic. His article initiates a discussion in the wider context of Hindi and Dalit literature. His anguish and his complaint deserve to be pondered over. The article neither opposes Dalit literature nor does it have a confrontationist tone. It is a discussion - pure and simple. He believes that OBC literature and Dalit literature are complementary to one another. Opposition to Brahmanism, establishment of an equitable society, annihilation of feudal forces, bringing about economic equality and rebuttal of religious dogma are the common aims that link both these literary streams. This is the cornerstone of the discussion. The litterateurs from the Siddha and Sant literature up to the modern age, whom Rajendra Prasad Singh has named, are all considered Dalits by Dalit literature.
It will be hasty to say which direction this debate on OBC literature will proceed and up to what extent. However, it would not be out of place to mention that the structure of Dalit literature does not stand only on the foundation of Kabir. In fact, it is based more on Ambedkarism and includes a wide range of personalities, ranging from Buddha to Kabir, Raidas and Jotiba Phule. Buddha is a symbol of 'Bahujanwad' and the Dalit literature, which considers Buddhist philosophy as its foundation, is also an advocate of 'Bahujanwad'. Barring Brahmanical and feudal forces, everyone else is a supporter of 'Bahujanwad'. This, even Rajendra Prasad Singh admits. Then, how can it be said that the doors of Dalit Literature are open only to Scheduled Castes? The doors of Dalit literature are open for all 'Bahujans' but what is sad is that except Scheduled Castes, the writer of no other caste neither calls himself a Dalit litterateur and nor wants to be described thus. Rajendra Prasad Singh, himself a prominent proponent of Dalit literature, enjoys a great respect among Dalit writers but even he neither calls nor considers himself a Dalit litterateur. His comments on Dalit literature are the comments of a writer who is a supporter of Dalits not those of a Dalit writer. The problem with OBC writers is that they neither openly associate themselves with Dalit literature and nor do they vocally oppose 'Savarna' literature. Rajendra Prasad Singh may be right when he says that  “OBC literature has been caught between Dalit literature and Savarna literature” but the problem lies not with the Dalit literature but with the writers of OBC castes. They want to simultaneously ride on the twin boats of Dalit and Savarna literature, which, alas, is not possible. They should seriously introspect as to what they have gained by playing second fiddle to Savarna literature. If they consider themselves Dalit and sincerely associate themselves with Dalit literature and Dalit society, there is no reason why they won't get adequate space and respect in Dalit literature. If they join forces with Dalit literature with full commitment, no one can stop them from carving out a niche for themselves as Dalit litterateurs.
Here, it would not be unjust to mention that not only do many OBC castes consider themselves superior to the Dalits but even resort to violence and oppression to maintain their domination. For instance, in recent years, the Jat community of Haryana indulged in extremely violent and barbarous behaviour with Dalits in Dulina, Gohana and Mirchpur. If writers of Jat community - who consider themselves Dalit litterateurs - do not write or speak against this oppression of Dalits, do not fight shoulder to shoulder with the Dalits for their rights, do not add their voice to that of the Dalits, then, how can they be considered Dalit writers? If a writer does not rebuke the members of his community for oppressing the Dalits, for trampling upon their dignity and either remains silent or goes into hibernation, then how will the Dalits open the doors of their homes for him? Any comment or debate on Dalit literature will remain incomplete without taking such realities into consideration.
As far as the concept of OBC literature is concerned, Rajendra Prasad Singh has raised a valid point but before proceeding any further, he will have to take into consideration several different aspects of the issue. To begin with, the naming of Dalit literature has a long history and it has come about after a long journey. It has passed through many stages. After wide-spread discussions and consideration of names such as literature of equality, Parallel literature, Buddhist literature and neo-Buddhist literature, the term Dalit literature was accepted. The discussion on this nomenclature still continues. A section of Hindi and Marathi litterateurs is in favour of re-naming Dalit literature as Ambedkarite literature. But the label Dalit literature has widespread, nationwide prevalence and acceptability. The first and foremost duty of OBC writers is to unmask the writers and the literature which propounds, patronises and supports the values of inequality and discrimination and to oppose them with their full might. The stronger this opposition is, the greater will be the acceptability and identity of their writings. There can be no objection to the OBC writers trying to create a separate category of OBC literature. What is important is to bring it out from the shadow and influence of Brahmanical-feudal literature and litterateurs. Nothing can be better than OBCs and Dalits raising their common voice against inequality, injustice, unotuchability and exploitation.

(Excerpted with permission from the editorial of Dalit Sahitya Varshiki – 2012. Sahitya Sansthan, B-634, DDA flats, East of Lodi Road, New Delhi- 110 093)

Jaiprakash Kardam, Editor of Dalit Sahitya Varshiki, published since 1999, has written over 30 books including novels, stories, poetry, criticism and travelogues
                                              (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
Forward Press.

वासेपुर की कहानी : कौन सुनेगा, कैसे सुनाए?

मेहनतकश युवा बताते हैं वासेपुर की अनकही कहानी
              - नवल किशोर कुमार
झारखंड में धनबाद के निकट बसे असली ‘वासेपुर’ की तासीर  फिल्‍म निर्माता अनुराग कश्यप की फ़िल्म “द गैंग आफ़ वासेपुर” (वन और टू) से बहुत अलग है।  यहां के लोगों की आखों में आज की रोजमर्रा की सामान्‍य चिंताएं और भविष्‍य के सपने हैं, न कि वह हिंसा और दशहत, जिसकी कल्‍पना  वासेपुर फिल्‍म देख चुकने के बाद हमारे मन में होती है। और हर पल जीते-मरते वासेपुर को देखती हैं। वास्तव में, अनुराग ने पर्दे पर सच्चाई दिखाने के नामपर आंचलिक  शब्दों का उपयोग कर हिंसा और सेक्स के जरिए वासेपुर के दर्द को ताजा कर दिया है। खनिज संपदाओं के मामले में समृद्ध होने का दर्द झेल रहे झारखंड प्रदेश के महत्वपूर्ण शहरों में एक प्रमुख शहर है धनबाद। एक कभी न बुझने वाली आग में पल पल जलने वाले धनबाद (धन + बाद)  का नामकरण निस्संदेह इसी कारण हुआ होगा कि इस शहर की धरती के नीचे कोयला का अकूत भंडार है। कुछ और खनिज इसके गर्भ में है, लेकिन मुख्यतः इसकी पहचान कोयले के कारण ही है। इस शहर की इधर-उधर बिखरी समृद्धि अनायास ही दिख जाती है, जब आप इसके करीब पहुंचते हैं। धनबाद शहर की सीमा में अवस्थित है वासेपुर। इसकी सीमा कहां से शुरु होती है, यह कहना मुश्किल है। इसकी वजह यह कि यह धनबाद स्टेशन के पास है। केवल चंद मिनटों की दूरी पर। वैसे आजकल जबसे कश्यप की फ़िल्म ने पूरे देश में डंका बजाया है, धनबाद शहर के इस छोटे से हिस्से की लोकप्रियता इतनी बढ गई है कि यहां जाने के लिए आपको इसे ढूंढने की जरुरत नहीं है। मैं भी जब बस पर सवार होकर धनबाद पहुंचा तब मैं उलझन में था। पता नहीं, यह वासेपुर कितना दूर होगा। वहां टेम्पो जाती है या नहीं? लेकिन जब बस से उतरा तब जानकारी मिली कि आप वासेपुर में खड़े हैं। मेरी आंखें फ़टी की फ़टी रह गईं।

अच्छी सड़कें, देखने योग्य अच्छी इमारतें और शहर की भीड़भाड़ वाला शहर अनुराग कश्यप के वासेपुर से अलग लगा। सुबह-सुबह एक रोड छाप दुकान पर चाय पीने के दौरान मैंने वासेपुर के बारे में जानना चाहा। चाय दुकानदार ने कहा कि यही बगल में वह बस्ती है, जिसे वासेपुर कहा जाता है। मुसलमानों की बस्ती है। जब मैंने बताया कि मैं दिल्ली से आया हूं तब उसने हंसते हुए कहा कि आप भी देख लिजीए हमारे वासेपुर की गुंडई।

मेरे कदम आगे बढते जा रहे थे। मैं आते-जाते लोगों को देखता और उनमें कश्यप की फ़िल्म में दिखने वाले चेहरों को खोजने की कोशिश करता। आगे बढने पर कुछ लोग मिले, जिनके पहनावे ने मुझे अहसास करा दिया कि वाकई मैं वासेपुर में हूं। नूरी मस्जिद के पास पहूंचा तब दिल को तसल्ली देने के लिए मैंने एक शख्स से पूछा। जवाब सकारात्मक था। रमजान का पवित्र महीना होने के कारण नूरी मस्जिद का नूर अधिक आकर्षक दिख रहा था।

आगे बढा तो कुछ बुजुर्गों से बातचीत हुई। वह एक लोहे के ग्रिल बनाने की दुकान थी। लोग वही बैठे थे। मैंने अपना परिचय दिया तब बातचीत शुरु हुई। उनकी जुबानी वासेपुर की असली कहानी यह है कि इस पूरे इलाके में अभी भी फ़हीम खान की बादशाहत बरकरार है। संभवतः इसी फ़हीम खान के कैरेक्टर को पर्दे पर जिया है नवोदित कलाकार फ़ैजल खान के रुप में नवाजुद्दीन सिद्दीकी ने। फ़हीम के पिता शफ़ी खान की बादशाहत के किस्से आज भी मशहूर हैं। करीब 80 वर्ष के बुजुर्ग राशिद खान ने बताया कि वासेपुर का संबंध बादशाह मीर कासिम से जुड़ा है, जिसने जंग के मैदान में अपने दुश्मनों के दांत खट्टे कर दिये थे। उस समय वह इसी वासेपुर में ठहरा था। संभवतः उसके यहां रहने के कारण ही इस जगह का नाम वासेपुर पड़ा था।

फ़हीम खान और उसकी बादशाहत के बारे में बताने में किसी को कोई परहेज नहीं है। बुजुर्ग राशिद ने बताया कि फ़हीम के पिता शफ़ी खान की छवि गरीबों में राबिन हुड वाली हुआ करती थी। पहले वह भी एक खदान में मजदूरी किया करता था। एक बार मजदूरी को लेकर कुछ कहा-सुनी हो गई तो कंपनी के आदमी को उठाकर पटकने के बाद छाती पर चढ बैठा। फ़िर मजदूर शफ़ी खान  दबंग शफ़ी खान बन गया। कंपनी वाले उसे बैठाकर पैसा देते थे और वह तरह-तरह के काम करता। उसने रंगदारी वसूलना शुरु किया। एक से एक रायफ़लें रखना उसकी शौक में शुमार हो गया था। फ़हीम खान उस समय कम उम्र का था जब उसके बाप को किसी ने गोली मार दी थी। लोगों का कहना है कि उसने अपने पिता के हत्यारों को उनके किए की सजा दी और फ़िर खुद डॉन बन बैठा।

वासेपुर की खुली और विस्तृत गलियों से गुजरते हुए मैं उस इलाके में पहुंचा जहां आज के खदान मजदूर रहते हैं। एक पीपल के पेड़ के नीचे। परिचय देने पर जुगेश्वर शर्मा ने बताया कि वह मूलतः छपरा के रहने वाले हैं। करीब 30 वर्षों से यहां नौकरी कर रहे हैं। फ़हीम खान और देशी-विदेशी हथियारों के जखीरे के बारे में उन्हें जानकारी नहीं है, लेकिन उसका  रईसी ठाठ-बाट अवश्य ही किसी फ़िल्मी कहानी के जैसे लगते हैं। उनका कहना है कि खदान कंपनियों और स्थानीय अधिकारियों के संरक्षण में फ़हीम आज फ़हीम खान बन चुका है। आज भी धनबाद के धन में उसकी हिस्सेदारी तय है।

कश्यप की फ़िल्म देखने वाले बीएससी पार्ट 2 के छात्र जाहिद बताते हैं कि फ़िल्म अच्छी है, लेकिन इसमें केवल 10 फ़ीसदी ही सच्चाई है। इन्होंने यह भी कहा कि आप ही देखिए, अपनी ही आंखों से। क्या आपको यहां गुंडे देखने को मिले हैं, जो राह चलती लड़कियों को उठा लें? क्या आपकी आंखों ने हम वासेपुरवासियों की आंखों में वह भय देखा है, जो फ़िल्म में दिखने वाले लोगों की आंखों में दिखायी देता है?

जाहिद बताते हैं उनका वासेपुर उपेक्षित इलाका है धनबाद शहर का। लोग उसे मिनी पाकिस्तान कहते हैं। हमारी देशभक्ति पर सवाल खड़े किए जाते हैं। शहर में कहीं भी घटना घटती है, सबसे पहले सवाल हमसे पूछा जाता है। जबसे फ़िल्म आयी है तबसे लोग हमारा अधिक उपहास करने लगे हैं। खदानों में अब काम नहीं मिलता है। बेरोजगारी बढ गयी है। कुछेक लोगों ने वासेपुर का परित्याग कर अन्य शहरों में अपना घर बना लिया है। वे चैन से जी रहे हैं।

वासेपुर के एक हिस्से में वे लोग भी रहते हैं, जिन्हें आदिवासी कहा जाता है। यह हिस्सा भी वैसा ही है जैसे देश के अन्य हिस्सों में गांव की सीमा के बाहर लोगों को बसने दिया जाता है। उनके जिम्मे शहर को साफ़ रखने और अन्य कार्यों को करने की जिम्मेवारी है। वासेपुर के बारे में पूछने पर सुखु मुर्मू ने बताया कि वे तो यहां परदेसी की तरह रहते हैं। वोटर कार्ड मिल गया है और अनाज वाला  बीपीएल  कार्ड भी। आजतक जमीन नहीं मिली है। बाप-दादाओं ने बहुत पहले जिस तरह  झोपड़ी बनायी थी, उसी तरह हम आज भी रह रहे हैं।   

बहरहाल, वासेपुर के लोग न तो अनुराग की फ़िल्म से खुश हैं और न ही दुखी। खुश इसलिए नहीं कि इस फ़िल्म ने उनके आशियाने को बदनाम कर दिया है और दुखी इसलिए नहीं कि कम से कम अनुराग ने तो उनके वासेपुर की सच्चाई को दुनिया के सामने लाने का साहस किया है। वे इस बारे में न तो कुछ कहना चाहते हैं और न ही कुछ सुनना। वे कहते हैं कि कौन सुनेगा, कैसे सुनायें…?
                                                       (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
Forward Press.

Monday, 26 August 2013

The Poona Pact and What Went Before It

[On the 80th anniversary of the infamous Poona Pact, we are publishing an edited excerpt from Vishal Mangalwadi’s India: The Grand Experiment that sheds light on the role played by the British rulers, Indian nationalist elites and leaders of India’s “Depressed Classes” in paving – and blocking – the road to social and political emancipation of the Indian masses. – EDITORS]

Many upper-caste Indians believe that the Dalits in India were liberated by the Indian National Congress and Mahatma Gandhi. The fact is that the Congress’ involvement with the plight of the oppressed began only in 1917, and from the beginning Congress’ integrity was doubtful. A sketch of that history is enlightening.

On 20 August 1917, during the First World War, the then Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, made a formal announcement on behalf of the British Government. He declared that his government’s post-war intention for India was to develop “self governing institutions with a view to progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.” The announcement was understood to mean that India would be given the kind of autonomy already enjoyed by Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

Indian politicians had been expecting this kind of a declaration and were preparing schemes for changes in the constitutional structure of India that would suit their interests. Two of the schemes that had attracted special attention during 1916–1918 were “the Congress–League scheme” which was based on presidential theory of government and the “Montagu–Chelmsford Plan” which relied on the parliamentary theory of government.

The Congress needed the endorsement of the lower castes to be able to push forward its scheme as the “national demand”. Its problem was that although the Muslim league had approved its proposal, the “depressed classes” did not trust the upper-caste leadership of the Congress. In 1895, some Congress leaders had been willing to allow the leaders of the Social Conference to use its platform to oppose the enslavement of the Indians by the Hindu social order. The idea was dropped when Mr Tilak’s followers threatened to burn down the Congress pandal if anyone dared to oppose Hindu customs from that platform. The “untouchables” retaliated by protesting against the Congress and by burning its effigy. Understandably, their antipathy against the Congress had continued till 1917 when the Congress needed their support.

That distrust made it difficult for the Congress to obtain the endorsement of the backward classes for the Congress–League scheme.. Instead of apologizing for its earlier timidity and indifference, the Congress tried deception to obtain Dalit endorsement for its scheme. It wrote a resolution of its own and used a highly respected figure – Sir Narayan Chandavarkar, the President of the Depressed Classes Mission Society – to get it passed along with other resolutions in a meeting held on 11 November 1917, in Bombay. The highlights of the key resolutions read as follows:

First Resolution affirmed “Loyalty to British Government” and prayed for victory to the Allies in the First World War then going on.
Second Resolution carried at the meeting by an overwhelming majority, the “dissentients being about a dozen,” expressed approval for the scheme of reform in the administration of India recommended by the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League.
Third Resolution carried unanimously said: “… this public meeting of the Depressed Classes strongly feels that in the scheme of reform and reconstitution of the Legislative Councils which Government may be pleased to adopt, due regard be paid to the interest of the said classes. This meeting therefore prays the British Government to be so gracious as to protect those interests by granting to those classes the right to elect their own representatives to the said Councils in proportion to their numbers.”
Fourth Resolution unanimously carried at the meeting was: “That the Government be prayed for the adoption … of a compulsory and free system of education….”
Fifth Resolution also carried unanimously read: “That the Chairman of this public meeting be authorised to request the Indian National Congress to pass at its forthcoming session a distinct and independent resolution declaring to the people of India at large the necessity, justice and righteousness of removing all the disabilities imposed by religion and custom upon the Depressed Classes …. These disabilities, social in origin, amount in law and practice to political mission and propaganda of the Indian National Congress.”
Sixth Resolution prays all Hindus … of the higher castes, who claim political rights, to take steps for the purpose of removing the blot of degradation from the Depressed Classes….”

The Indian National Congress followed up the above-mentioned meeting with its own meeting, and passed the following high-sounding resolution:

“This Congress urges upon the people of India the necessity, justice and righteousness of removing all disabilities imposed by custom upon the Depressed Classes, the disabilities being of a most vexatious and oppressive character, subjecting those classes to considerable hardship and inconvenience.”

A few years later, Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar called the above resolution a “strange event”. The Congress had functioned for 32 years, it had championed the cause of India’s political independence, it had campaigned against the British Raj, but it had never spoken up for the freedom of the lower castes. Now, only when it needed their political support, it found itself speaking up for them – but only to get their vote. Mr Kanshi Ram, the President of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and Dr. Ambedkar’s de facto successor, described this “deceptive” appeal for justice “mischievous”. … Later events showed that the Congress had no intention of doing anything about the oppressiveness of Hindu society. Nevertheless, the resolution had compelled Congress to admit that the internal atrocities of the Indian society had to be dealt with, as well as the immorality of the alien rule.

A few days after the first meeting in Bombay, the dozen “dissentients” organized another meeting of the lower castes, again in Bombay. It was this meeting that shaped the attitude of Dr Ambedkar and Mr Kanshi Ram towards the upper-caste politicians. Bapuji Namdeo Bagade, a leader of the non-Brahmin party, chaired the meeting. The resolutions passed in this meeting nullified some of the resolutions passed in the first. Following are the key resolutions passed in the second meeting:
(1) Resolution of loyalty to the British Throne.
 (2) That this meeting cannot give its support to the Congress-League scheme in spite of its having been declared to have been passed at the meeting of 11th November 1917 by an overwhelming majority.
(3) That it is the sense of this meeting that the administration of India should be largely under the control of the British till all classes and specially the Depressed Classes, rise up to a condition to effectually participate in the administration of the country.
 (4) That if the British Government have decided to give political concessions to the Indian Public, this meeting prays that Government should grant the Untouchables their own representatives in the various legislative bodies to ensure to them their civil and political rights.
 (5) That this meetings approves of the objects of the Bahiskrit Bharat Samaj (Depressed India Association) and supports the deputation to be sent on its behalf to Mr. Montagu.
 (6) That this meeting prays that Government looking to the special needs of the Depressed Classes, should make primary education both free and compulsory. That the meeting also requests the Government to give special facilities by way of scholarships to the students of the Depressed Classes.
(7) That the meeting authorises the President to forward the above resolutions to the viceroy and the Government of Bombay.

What this meeting said in effect was that the Dalits would rather remain under the British rule, than gain political independence only to be ruled by the Brahmins. As Dr Ambedkar was to put it later in his book Annihilation of Caste, Swarajya (Independence) has got no significance, without establishing a caste-less society.” This is because he knew from his experience that “Political brutality is nothing when compared with social brutality.”

This sentiment of the lower castes made it imperative for Mahatma Gandhi to work for their “emancipation”.

Dr Ambedkar refuted that claim in his book, What Gandhi and the Congress have done For the Untouchables. He presented the case that even during the struggle for national independence, Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress did all that they could to deceive the lower castes, and to keep them under the control of the upper castes. It is not necessary to restate their case here. An important fact on which the case rests follows:

After Lord Irwin announced in 1929 that the British government would honour the 1917 commitment to give self-rule to India, Round Table Conferences were held in London in 1930–32 to settle the modalities of transfer of power. Leaders of the scheduled castes demanded that, given the fact that the upper castes were not concerned for them, they should be allowed to select their own legislators, so that their representatives would represent their point of view.

Mahatma Gandhi opposed the proposal because he feared that such a scheme would reinforce the walls that already separated the upper- and lower-caste Hindus. His proposal was that certain electorates should be reserved for candidates from the scheduled castes, but that all voters must exercise their franchise to elect the legislator. This way he or she would represent the entire constituency, not just the scheduled castes.

Although Gandhi’s proposal sounded good, it had a problem. It meant that the scheduled-caste candidates would fight amongst themselves, but that the candidate backed by the higher castes would always win. So, any scheduled-caste candidate who wanted to win an election would always need to be subservient to the upper-caste voters. The Round Table Conference failed in resolving the issue, and all participants – including Gandhi – agreed that they would leave the matter to be decided by the British Prime Minister, and that his decision would be accepted by all.

The British Government announced its “Communal Award” in favour of Dr Ambedkar’s proposal on 17 August 1932. Gandhi saw fresh dangers in Dr Ambedkar’s scheme. What if Dr Ambedkar’s Republican Party joined hands with Mr Jinnah’s Muslim League? Together, it would not be difficult for the Muslims and the lower castes to beat the upper-caste Hindus in a battle of numbers. Democracy – the number game – would then be to the disadvantage of the upper castes.

Mahatma Gandhi, therefore, went on his longest ever “fast-unto-death” in Poona (Pune). This was not directed against the Colonial Raj. Dr Ambedkar described its purpose in a statement on 19 September 1932:

“I should have thought that a well-wisher of the Depressed Classes would have fought tooth and nail for securing to them as much political power as might be possible in the new Constitution . . . He not only does not endeavour to augment the scanty political power which the Depressed Classes have got under the Communal Award, but on the contrary he has staked his very life in order to deprive them of little they have got.”

National and international pressure was mounted on Dr Ambedkar to surrender this possibility of freedom and save Gandhi’s life. The upper-caste followers of Mahatma Gandhi threatened dire consequences should he die.  Dr Ambedkar’s statement confirms:

Whether he knows it or not, the Mahatma’s act will result in nothing but terrorism by his followers against Depressed Classes all over the country . . . the Mahatma is releasing reactionary and uncontrollable forces, and is fostering the spirit of hatred between the Hindu Community and the Depressed Classes by resorting to this method and thereby widening the existing gulf between the two.

Dr Ambedkar realized that a large number of the untouchables might be forced to pay with their lives if Mahatma Gandhi died. So to save his life and theirs he surrendered their political power through the “Poona Pact” of 24 September 1932. As a result, during most of the 50 years of Independence the lower castes have had to play second fiddle to the upper caste rulers.
Gandhi succeeded politically, but only in ensuring that the lower castes remain subservient to the upper castes in free India. As Dr Ambedkar put it, the policy of the “Joint Electorate” which Mahatma Gandhi had enforced by staking his life is, “. . . from the point of view of the Hindus to use a familiar phrase a ‘rotten borough’ in which Hindus get the right to nominate an untouchable to sit nominally as a representative of the untouchables but really as a tool of the Hindus.”


In his book India: The Grand Experiment (Pippa Rann Books, Surrey, 1997), Vishal Mangalwadi challenges our official myth that it was Gandhi and his Congress that brought freedom to India
                                           (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
Forward Press.

Friday, 23 August 2013

The Saas–Bahu Dramas in Our Living Rooms

HANSRAJ AND KASTHURBHA JAIN

“The problem we face today with marriages is that our 21st-century women are marrying 18th-century men!” Dr Justice Malimath (Retd)

If we just look at the magazines, books and the daily newspapers, these tell us very explicitly that Indian families and marriages, particularly of the middle class, are increasingly under stress and pressure. In fact, if we are honest, we will admit that these key institutions of our society are in some serious trouble. There is a rise in separations, divorces, suicides, murders, abuse and bride price. Added to these are issues such as female foeticides, abortion, premarital sex, extramarital sex, live-in relationships and dowry
A closer analysis of the situation seems to present to us that the greatest victims of all of this are the new families. And the reasons are that most of these families live in situations where very little, if any, support system exists.
As a result most of these young people turn to their peers, colleagues and friends for help. These advisers in turn dispense answers that are often founded on a little more than a personal sense of adventure and “exploration”. They operate from a discovery mode founded on a lot of presumptions and assumptions, emotional rationalizations, beliefs derived from their hearsay. These then are used to offer “workable” answers to the hurting individual or couple.
As for the elders among these advisers, well, they have advice borrowed from exposure to traditional norms. From them one would hear statements such as “in my time…” or  “when I was of your age…” 
We must, of course, recognize that all intentions are noble though not all advice is. Such unprofessional advice may even border on the ridiculous or, worse still, be downright dangerous

Over the years as we have interacted with families and couples and observed how our Indian culture is practiced, we have become increasingly aware that today’s mothers behave in almost exactly the same way that their own mothers and/or mothers-in-law once did. They are directive and dictatorial. They have put on the same big bossy shoes!
We have also interacted with a lot of young married men. When we asked them, they told us openly that their mothers demand to be heard, even to be obeyed, especially by the new and young urbane daughter-in-law. The notion behind such behaviour is to take control from the beginning and then, if the daughter-in-law proves herself, to gradually release control as the daughter-in-law learns the ropes of responsibility, submission and leadership.  
However, we think that what the mothers-in-law seem to have failed to register in their experienced minds are that today’s 21st-century young ladies are not just educated, smart, and resourceful, but also daring. They are ready to defy!
Today, thanks to the contribution of the media (especially saas–bahu serials), the knowledge of broken homes, these new brides as they enter into the homes of their husbands, have already built a certain perspective and biased opinions about mothers-in-law. As a result they have also decided how they will handle the situation. At the first sign that their prejudices are proving to be correct (as per the script) these daughters-in-law rebel. They just hate control, being “bossed” around by a “cranky” old mother-in-law, being told what to do and not to do. If these young ladies fail to get the appropriate response from their spouses, they have decided that they would either force the husband to move out of the family home or even divorce. When they marry they do not want to surrender their independence. These young wives are convinced that living alone is the only solution to the, otherwise, a life-long problem. Their motivation is to get as far away as possible from the mother-in-law and to keep her out of their hair.
So it is in this kind of a scenario that families and its members find themselves at loggerheads contributing to the rising level of conflict within the family.
Recently we were speaking to an experienced psychologist on this issue. Giving his assessment for the growth in number of family conflicts in India, he quoted Dr Justice V. S. Malimath, a former chief justice of Karnataka and Kerala. Dr Justice Malimath had told the psychologist, “The problem we face today with our 21st-century women is that they are marrying 18th-century men!”
When I shared this wisdom with a writer friend she responded by saying, “So to survive marriage, either women will have to regress or men will have to progress and catch up with us women.”

No conflict is pleasant. Our concern is to find ways to prevent or to limit it and, if possible, eliminate it altogether. Is there a way to bring about reconciliation and healing in our marital, family and community relationships? We will examine what some of those ways are for a lasting solution to family and parental life.
                                          (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
Forward Press.

Kabir's Intellectual Movement: Second Stage of OBC Renaissance

                                                           -RAJENDRA PRASAD SINGH
The new intellectual movement led by Kabir, that surfaced in India in the fourteenth century, has been termed as 'Bhakti andolan' (Bhakti movement) by most historians. Ramvilas Sharma, the famous Hindi critic and writer of several books on history calls it 'Lok Jagran' (Public Awakening). He opines that the age of Kabir, Jayasi, Surdas and Tulsidas was the age of public awakening. However, the fact is that Kabir's intellectual movement was neither a 'Bhakti Andolan' nor a 'Lok Jagran'. It was, in fact, the second stage of the 'OBC renaissance'. Buddha was the originator of this renaissance and so, naturally, Buddha had the greatest influence on Kabir.
Kabir: Buddha's next link
The followers of both Buddha and Kabir were the toiling OBC masses, including farmers and artisans. There are fundamental similarities between the principles of Buddha and Kabir. 'Dukkha-Satya' (Noble Truth of Suffering) 'Dukkha-Samudaya' (Noble Truth of the cause of suffering) 'Dukkha Nirodh' (Noble truth of cessation of suffering) and 'Dukkha-Nirodhbhamini pratipad' (Noble Truth of the path leading to cessation of suffering) – are all reflected in Kabir's poetry. 'Madhyma Pratipada' (The Middle Path) is an important pillarstone of Buddhism and Kabir also subscribes to it. He always urged the saints to follow the Middle Path. No only that, several components of the Eight-fold Path can be found in the writings of Kabir. Probably that is why, Kabir never criticised the Buddhist principles. He criticises the 'Shaivites'. He also criticises 'Shaktam-Samarthams' (Worshippers of Shakti and of all Hindu deities respectively). Vaishnavs, Siddha, Charwak, Jains -- he spares none. But nowhere in his poetry does he criticise the Buddhist faith. Some scholars attribute this to the fact that the places of birth and death of Kabir were either close to Buddhist centres of pilgrimage or were surrounded by them.
Differences between the 'Lok Jagran' of Kabir and Tulsi
Dr. Ramvilas Sharma failed to comprehend the differences between Kabir's public awakening and that of Tulsi. The public awakening led by Kabir was very different from the one led by Tulsi. While Tulsi was a believer in the Varna system, Kabir was opposed to it. Kabir was the advocate of 'Sramana' culture. Kabir understood the value of labour while Tulsi believed in making a living by seeking alms. Tulsi never valued labour as much as Kabir did. Kabir had no liking for begging. He believed in earning one's bread by the sweat of one's brow. Unlike Tulsi, Kabir was not desirous of heaven or 'Moksha'.  Kabir only wanted so much that would meet the basic needs of an ordinary farmer or a labourer. He wanted two 'ser' flour, one-half 'ser' pulses, a quarter kilo ghee, salt and a cot to sleep on. Kabir had no faith in the Vedas and in Smriti texts. On the other hand, the Vedas and the Puranas were the source of knowledge for Tulsi. 'Moksha' had different meanings for both of them. Not only that. Tulsi had faith in the Varna system while Kabir rejected it outright. It is obvious that a belief in the Varna system and in religious rituals cannot be described as public awakening or renaissance by any stretch of the imagination. Kabir's writings are imbued with logic, evidence, intellectualism, individualism, scientific temper, labour values, freedom from the stifling control of the religious establishment and a conscious effort at social reform.
Obviously, Kabir's poetry is full of the elements of renaissance or shall we say, OBC renaissance, while Tulsi's poetry is utterly devoid of them. Kabir and Tulsi were poles apart. Still, one doesn't know how and why the historians have clubbed both these poets together and associated them with Bhakti Andolan or Lok Jagran. The truth is that Kabir was the harbinger of an OBC renaissance in medieval India.
Kabir's OBC followers:
Ayodhya Singh Upadhyay 'Harioudh' writes that most of the Kabirpanthis are lower caste Hindus and the number of Upper caste Hindus among them is negligible. Most of the 'Gurus' of this sect are also from the lower castes. The sect has both recluses as well as householders in its ranks but the number of householders is much higher.  Clearly, a majority of the disciples of Kabir were householders of lower castes. The 'Gahpatis' of the Buddhist era were, in a sense, the householders of Kabir's times. Householders included the farmers, labourers and artisans having family and children. Probably, that is why, Romila Thapar says that artisans and farmers played an important role in spreading Kabir's message.  OBC communities like 'Mali' (Gardeners), 'Koeri' (cattle-rearers) , Luhar (Ironsmiths), 'Kumhar' (Potters), 'Kasera' (Coppersmiths,' Badhai' (Carpenters), 'Rangrez' (Dyers), 'Sunar' (Goldsmiths), 'Julaha' (Weavers),  'Gadaria' (graziers) and 'Darzi' (tailors) were followers of Kabir. His favourite disciple was Dharmadas, who was a 'Bania' by caste. He established the Chhattisgarhi branch of Kabirpanthi sect. Amongst the branches of Kabirpanthis, this was the most wide-spread and the biggest in terms of the number of followers. Another branch of Kabirpanthis is in Dhanoti (Bihar). It was established by Bhagwan Das. He was 'Ahir' (milch cattle rearer) and originally hailed from Pishorabad (Bundelkhand). It is said that he accompanied Kabir on all his expeditions. Dharmadas (Bania) and Bhagwandas (Ahir) played a key role in preserving Kabir’s writings.
Kabir, peasants and the bucket-wheel:
It is well-known that Kabir was not a farmer but a craftsman. Despite this, he was well acquainted with the trials and tribulations of the peasants. His writings contain copious references to the life of the peasants, being crushed by medieval Indian feudalism. His poetry describes the cruel exploitation of the farmers by the feudal lords and their miserable lives. He presented the horrible condition of the farmers in contemporary society in an allegorical style. In one of his verses his says, ''I do not want to live in this village. The 'karinde' (agents of the landlord) of this village are very shrewd and cruel. Patwaris spend endlessly on merry-making''. He writes that farmers are subjected to injustice even in the measurement of their land. That is because the landlords use poor-quality 'zarib' (rope for measuring land). The size of the land is dishonestly over-estimated. In another verse, he says that the rope used for admeasuring land is of poor quality. Injustice is being done to the farmers. Additionally, survey officials take 'begar' (forced labour) from the farmers.
Obviously, the poetic beauty of this kind of verses of Kabir--penned in allegorical style-lies in their euphemistic description of the repression of the farmers in the contemporary social context. Different kinds of land find frequent mention in the poetry of Kabir. On one kind of land nothing grows. Kabir describes it as 'usar' (barren). The second kind of land Kabir calls 'dowati'. It is a land where sand is mixed with the soil. The land used as 'khalihans' (place for storage of grains) was different and Kabir calls it 'kharihana'. Villages too were of different kinds. 'kheda' was a small village. 'gola' was the border of the village while 'mawas' was the village of rebel farmers. Many types of agricultural equipment are also described in Kabir's poetry. The wheel had been invented by the Buddhist era but the 'rahat' (bucket wheel) and 'dhankuli' used to draw water from wells were yet to be invented. Probably, Kabir was the first Hindi poet to have used the words 'rahat' and 'dhankuli'. Professor Irfan Habib writes that Babar was the first in India to describe a 'rahat'. During Babar's times, the 'rahat' was used in areas surrounding Lahore, Dipalpur and Sarhind. Obviously, the poetic use of the word 'rahat' by Kabir adds a new fact to the history of medieval India.
Kabir's poetry describes the entire process of paddy cultivation including planting, weeding and upturning of soil. In one of his verses, he has used the word 'bijuka'. It was an upturned pot or any similar thing hung in the fields to ward-off stray animals.
Kabir and other working classes of OBCs:
Kabir had a great affinity with the working classes of OBCs. He mentions such castes in many different ways in his poetry. He turns God into a weaver. He says that the God takes ten months to weave the cloth called the body. In one 'rameni' he writes, God, the weaver, is weaving the cloth of the universe. Sometimes he makes God a potter and sometimes a carpenter. But never, not even by mistake, does he make God a Brahmin or a Kshatriya. To express the fleeting nature of life, he draws parallels with the ironsmith's furnace. In one 'sakhi', he compares the 'Guru' (teacher) with 'Bahelia' (bird-hunter) and says that just like a bird-hunter sets a forest afire,  the teacher ignites the body and mind of the disciple with the fire of wisdom. In another 'sakhi', Kabir compares 'Satguru' with a 'Bania' and 'Sant' with 'Saudagar' (trader). To describe the uniqueness of spiritual love, Kabir uses 'Rasayan'  (chemical) as a symbol. In describing the process of production of chemicals, he has drawn the complete imagery of the preparation of liquor by a 'kalvar' (distiller of spirits). He has compared the God of death with a 'Mali' (gardener) in one of his 'sakhis'.
It is clear that Kabir's poetry is full of the names and technical jargon of the working classes of OBCs. There is a butcher, 'bheesti', vegetable-seller, potter, boatman, 'Ahir', 'Gurjar, pan-seller, ironsmith, 'Behi' (a caste of weavers), goldsmith, 'teli', washerman and many other working classes in Kabir's poetry.
Moreover, Kabir has used the jargon of caste-based occupations in his poetry at several places. If he mentions 'teli' he also mentions 'kolhu' (crusher worked by bullocks). He even mentions the 'seethi' (Oil-cake) left after extracting oil from oilseeds. Kabir also talks of the vessel in which is collected the juice extracted by the bullocks working the 'kolhu'. In Kabir's words it is called 'chatha'. Kabir also refers to the tradition of free distribution of the juice extracted on the first day of the operation of 'kolhu' among the people. He describes this tradition as 'Ratbalian'.
Like 'Telis', the jargon of ironsmiths also finds frequent mention in the poetry of Kabir. Thus there is 'nihai' (anvil) in it and so also 'ghan' (sledge hammer), 'nihali', 'taka', 'chaini' and the 'dhonkni' (blow-pipe)--all used by Ironsmiths. Similarly, many terms and instruments used by weavers also find a place in his writings. These include 'kargahi' (the lower portion of the work-place of weavers), 'kooch' (weavers' brush), 'gaadh' (the hollow in which the weavers spread their feet while working) and 'chamrakh'  (the grass strands used to warp around the beads of the spinning wheel) etc. Kabir also had minute knowledge of the working of carpenters. With the help of an analogy, he describes the entire process of sawing of wood. He has used the names of several instruments, including 'aAra' (saw) and 'kulahara (big axe), used by carpenters in his poetry.
Kabir was a householder. His disciples were also householders. No wonder, his poetry is replete with the names of household articles. For instance, 'anna' (Food grains) 'chun' (flour), 'obri' (small room), 'kathwan' (wooden vessel), 'kadchi' (big spoon), 'katarni' (scissors),  'dora' (thread), 'khatia' (bed), 'gaagri' (earthen pitcher), 'mudar' (old, tattered cloth), 'gondri' (mat made of straw), 'chakki' (stone-grinder), 'dauva' (wooden spoon), 'dandi' (beam of a weighing balance), 'dibuwa' (money), 'thari' (plate), 'bugcha' (bundle), etc. find place in his writings. Not only that, cattle-rearing, which was an inseparable part of the households, also figures in his poetry. For instance, 'khur' (lower part of the feet of four-legged animals), 'khoota' (peg), 'khorhi' (place where the fodder for cattle is kept), 'gau' (cow), 'gadar' (sheep), 'goru' (cattle), 'charwa' (fodder of animals), 'chachihari' (woman seller of butter milk) and 'lehda' (Herd of cattle) are mentioned in his writings.

Thus, we find that the history of many labouring castes is reflected in the poetry of Kabir. But these castes were living at the margins of society mainly due to the 'arna system. Kabir opposed the Varna system and tried to integrate these castes into the mainstream of the society. He blasted the self-glorification of the Brahmins and made fun of the 'Varna' system that was in vogue then and also of the false pride of the upper castes. To sum up, it can be said that Kabir fought against Brahmanism and feudalism and was a great supporter of the OBCs.                                                                                
The new intellectual movement led by Kabir, that surfaced in India in the fourteenth century, has been termed as 'Bhakti andolan' (Bhakti movement) by most historians. Ramvilas Sharma, the famous Hindi critic and writer of several books on history calls it 'Lok Jagran' (Public Awakening). He opines that the age of Kabir, Jayasi, Surdas and Tulsidas was the age of public awakening. However, the fact is that Kabir's intellectual movement was neither a 'Bhakti Andolan' nor a 'Lok Jagran'. It was, in fact, the second stage of the 'OBC renaissance'. Buddha was the originator of this renaissance and so, naturally, Buddha had the greatest influence on Kabir.
Kabir: Buddha's next link
The followers of both Buddha and Kabir were the toiling OBC masses, including farmers and artisans. There are fundamental similarities between the principles of Buddha and Kabir. 'Dukkha-Satya' (Noble Truth of Suffering) 'Dukkha-Samudaya' (Noble Truth of the cause of suffering) 'Dukkha Nirodh' (Noble truth of cessation of suffering) and 'Dukkha-Nirodhbhamini pratipad' (Noble Truth of the path leading to cessation of suffering) – are all reflected in Kabir's poetry. 'Madhyma Pratipada' (The Middle Path) is an important pillarstone of Buddhism and Kabir also subscribes to it. He always urged the saints to follow the Middle Path. No only that, several components of the Eight-fold Path can be found in the writings of Kabir. Probably that is why, Kabir never criticised the Buddhist principles. He criticises the 'Shaivites'. He also criticises 'Shaktam-Samarthams' (Worshippers of Shakti and of all Hindu deities respectively). Vaishnavs, Siddha, Charwak, Jains -- he spares none. But nowhere in his poetry does he criticise the Buddhist faith. Some scholars attribute this to the fact that the places of birth and death of Kabir were either close to Buddhist centres of pilgrimage or were surrounded by them.
Differences between the 'Lok Jagran' of Kabir and Tulsi
Dr. Ramvilas Sharma failed to comprehend the differences between Kabir's public awakening and that of Tulsi. The public awakening led by Kabir was very different from the one led by Tulsi. While Tulsi was a believer in the Varna system, Kabir was opposed to it. Kabir was the advocate of 'Sramana' culture. Kabir understood the value of labour while Tulsi believed in making a living by seeking alms. Tulsi never valued labour as much as Kabir did. Kabir had no liking for begging. He believed in earning one's bread by the sweat of one's brow. Unlike Tulsi, Kabir was not desirous of heaven or 'Moksha'.  Kabir only wanted so much that would meet the basic needs of an ordinary farmer or a labourer. He wanted two 'ser' flour, one-half 'ser' pulses, a quarter kilo ghee, salt and a cot to sleep on. Kabir had no faith in the Vedas and in Smriti texts. On the other hand, the Vedas and the Puranas were the source of knowledge for Tulsi. 'Moksha' had different meanings for both of them. Not only that. Tulsi had faith in the Varna system while Kabir rejected it outright. It is obvious that a belief in the Varna system and in religious rituals cannot be described as public awakening or renaissance by any stretch of the imagination. Kabir's writings are imbued with logic, evidence, intellectualism, individualism, scientific temper, labour values, freedom from the stifling control of the religious establishment and a conscious effort at social reform.
Obviously, Kabir's poetry is full of the elements of renaissance or shall we say, OBC renaissance, while Tulsi's poetry is utterly devoid of them. Kabir and Tulsi were poles apart. Still, one doesn't know how and why the historians have clubbed both these poets together and associated them with Bhakti Andolan or Lok Jagran. The truth is that Kabir was the harbinger of an OBC renaissance in medieval India.
Kabir's OBC followers:
Ayodhya Singh Upadhyay 'Harioudh' writes that most of the Kabirpanthis are lower caste Hindus and the number of Upper caste Hindus among them is negligible. Most of the 'Gurus' of this sect are also from the lower castes. The sect has both recluses as well as householders in its ranks but the number of householders is much higher.  Clearly, a majority of the disciples of Kabir were householders of lower castes. The 'Gahpatis' of the Buddhist era were, in a sense, the householders of Kabir's times. Householders included the farmers, labourers and artisans having family and children. Probably, that is why, Romila Thapar says that artisans and farmers played an important role in spreading Kabir's message.  OBC communities like 'Mali' (Gardeners), 'Koeri' (cattle-rearers) , Luhar (Ironsmiths), 'Kumhar' (Potters), 'Kasera' (Coppersmiths,' Badhai' (Carpenters), 'Rangrez' (Dyers), 'Sunar' (Goldsmiths), 'Julaha' (Weavers),  'Gadaria' (graziers) and 'Darzi' (tailors) were followers of Kabir. His favourite disciple was Dharmadas, who was a 'Bania' by caste. He established the Chhattisgarhi branch of Kabirpanthi sect. Amongst the branches of Kabirpanthis, this was the most wide-spread and the biggest in terms of the number of followers. Another branch of Kabirpanthis is in Dhanoti (Bihar). It was established by Bhagwan Das. He was 'Ahir' (milch cattle rearer) and originally hailed from Pishorabad (Bundelkhand). It is said that he accompanied Kabir on all his expeditions. Dharmadas (Bania) and Bhagwandas (Ahir) played a key role in preserving Kabir’s writings.
Kabir, peasants and the bucket-wheel:
It is well-known that Kabir was not a farmer but a craftsman. Despite this, he was well acquainted with the trials and tribulations of the peasants. His writings contain copious references to the life of the peasants, being crushed by medieval Indian feudalism. His poetry describes the cruel exploitation of the farmers by the feudal lords and their miserable lives. He presented the horrible condition of the farmers in contemporary society in an allegorical style. In one of his verses his says, ''I do not want to live in this village. The 'karinde' (agents of the landlord) of this village are very shrewd and cruel. Patwaris spend endlessly on merry-making''. He writes that farmers are subjected to injustice even in the measurement of their land. That is because the landlords use poor-quality 'zarib' (rope for measuring land). The size of the land is dishonestly over-estimated. In another verse, he says that the rope used for admeasuring land is of poor quality. Injustice is being done to the farmers. Additionally, survey officials take 'begar' (forced labour) from the farmers.
Obviously, the poetic beauty of this kind of verses of Kabir--penned in allegorical style-lies in their euphemistic description of the repression of the farmers in the contemporary social context. Different kinds of land find frequent mention in the poetry of Kabir. On one kind of land nothing grows. Kabir describes it as 'usar' (barren). The second kind of land Kabir calls 'dowati'. It is a land where sand is mixed with the soil. The land used as 'khalihans' (place for storage of grains) was different and Kabir calls it 'kharihana'. Villages too were of different kinds. 'kheda' was a small village. 'gola' was the border of the village while 'mawas' was the village of rebel farmers. Many types of agricultural equipment are also described in Kabir's poetry. The wheel had been invented by the Buddhist era but the 'rahat' (bucket wheel) and 'dhankuli' used to draw water from wells were yet to be invented. Probably, Kabir was the first Hindi poet to have used the words 'rahat' and 'dhankuli'. Professor Irfan Habib writes that Babar was the first in India to describe a 'rahat'. During Babar's times, the 'rahat' was used in areas surrounding Lahore, Dipalpur and Sarhind. Obviously, the poetic use of the word 'rahat' by Kabir adds a new fact to the history of medieval India.
Kabir's poetry describes the entire process of paddy cultivation including planting, weeding and upturning of soil. In one of his verses, he has used the word 'bijuka'. It was an upturned pot or any similar thing hung in the fields to ward-off stray animals.
Kabir and other working classes of OBCs:
Kabir had a great affinity with the working classes of OBCs. He mentions such castes in many different ways in his poetry. He turns God into a weaver. He says that the God takes ten months to weave the cloth called the body. In one 'rameni' he writes, God, the weaver, is weaving the cloth of the universe. Sometimes he makes God a potter and sometimes a carpenter. But never, not even by mistake, does he make God a Brahmin or a Kshatriya. To express the fleeting nature of life, he draws parallels with the ironsmith's furnace. In one 'sakhi', he compares the 'Guru' (teacher) with 'Bahelia' (bird-hunter) and says that just like a bird-hunter sets a forest afire,  the teacher ignites the body and mind of the disciple with the fire of wisdom. In another 'sakhi', Kabir compares 'Satguru' with a 'Bania' and 'Sant' with 'Saudagar' (trader). To describe the uniqueness of spiritual love, Kabir uses 'Rasayan'  (chemical) as a symbol. In describing the process of production of chemicals, he has drawn the complete imagery of the preparation of liquor by a 'kalvar' (distiller of spirits). He has compared the God of death with a 'Mali' (gardener) in one of his 'sakhis'.
It is clear that Kabir's poetry is full of the names and technical jargon of the working classes of OBCs. There is a butcher, 'bheesti', vegetable-seller, potter, boatman, 'Ahir', 'Gurjar, pan-seller, ironsmith, 'Behi' (a caste of weavers), goldsmith, 'teli', washerman and many other working classes in Kabir's poetry.
Moreover, Kabir has used the jargon of caste-based occupations in his poetry at several places. If he mentions 'teli' he also mentions 'kolhu' (crusher worked by bullocks). He even mentions the 'seethi' (Oil-cake) left after extracting oil from oilseeds. Kabir also talks of the vessel in which is collected the juice extracted by the bullocks working the 'kolhu'. In Kabir's words it is called 'chatha'. Kabir also refers to the tradition of free distribution of the juice extracted on the first day of the operation of 'kolhu' among the people. He describes this tradition as 'Ratbalian'.
Like 'Telis', the jargon of ironsmiths also finds frequent mention in the poetry of Kabir. Thus there is 'nihai' (anvil) in it and so also 'ghan' (sledge hammer), 'nihali', 'taka', 'chaini' and the 'dhonkni' (blow-pipe)--all used by Ironsmiths. Similarly, many terms and instruments used by weavers also find a place in his writings. These include 'kargahi' (the lower portion of the work-place of weavers), 'kooch' (weavers' brush), 'gaadh' (the hollow in which the weavers spread their feet while working) and 'chamrakh'  (the grass strands used to warp around the beads of the spinning wheel) etc. Kabir also had minute knowledge of the working of carpenters. With the help of an analogy, he describes the entire process of sawing of wood. He has used the names of several instruments, including 'aAra' (saw) and 'kulahara (big axe), used by carpenters in his poetry.
Kabir was a householder. His disciples were also householders. No wonder, his poetry is replete with the names of household articles. For instance, 'anna' (Food grains) 'chun' (flour), 'obri' (small room), 'kathwan' (wooden vessel), 'kadchi' (big spoon), 'katarni' (scissors),  'dora' (thread), 'khatia' (bed), 'gaagri' (earthen pitcher), 'mudar' (old, tattered cloth), 'gondri' (mat made of straw), 'chakki' (stone-grinder), 'dauva' (wooden spoon), 'dandi' (beam of a weighing balance), 'dibuwa' (money), 'thari' (plate), 'bugcha' (bundle), etc. find place in his writings. Not only that, cattle-rearing, which was an inseparable part of the households, also figures in his poetry. For instance, 'khur' (lower part of the feet of four-legged animals), 'khoota' (peg), 'khorhi' (place where the fodder for cattle is kept), 'gau' (cow), 'gadar' (sheep), 'goru' (cattle), 'charwa' (fodder of animals), 'chachihari' (woman seller of butter milk) and 'lehda' (Herd of cattle) are mentioned in his writings.

Thus, we find that the history of many labouring castes is reflected in the poetry of Kabir. But these castes were living at the margins of society mainly due to the 'arna system. Kabir opposed the Varna system and tried to integrate these castes into the mainstream of the society. He blasted the self-glorification of the Brahmins and made fun of the 'Varna' system that was in vogue then and also of the false pride of the upper castes. To sum up, it can be said that Kabir fought against Brahmanism and feudalism and was a great supporter of the OBCs.  
                                                   (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
Forward Press.

Wednesday, 21 August 2013

नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश कुमार : दो मित्रों की कहानी

- प्रेमकुमार मणि
मित्र से बने शत्रु
नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश कुमार क्रमशः गुजरात और बिहार के मुख्यमंत्री हैं और इन दिनों लगातार सुर्खियों में हैं। दोनों न केवल एक ही राशि के हैं, बल्कि एक राजनीतिक गठबंधन, एन डी ए, के भी; लेकिन दोनों में आजकल ठनी है। कम-से-कम दिखता तो ऐसा ही है।
लेकिन कम ही लोग जानते हैं कि नीतीश कुमार का अन्तरमन नरेन्द्र मोदी से गहरे प्रभावित रहा है। आज दिख रही शत्रुता में भी कभी-कभी मुझे मित्रता का ही भाव दिखता है। मनोविज्ञान में प्यार घृणा एक ही सिक्के के दो पहलू माने जाते हैं। अमरीकी कवयित्री एडना सेंट विन्सेंट मिले की पंक्तियाँ ‘ओह माई फ़ो, एन्ड ओ माई फ़्रेन्ड्स’ किंचित याद आती है। इन दोनों की मित्रता और शत्रुता कुछ ज्यादा ही गड्ड-मड्ड हो गयी है।
एक घटना को याद कर रहा हूं। 2004 की गरमियां थीं। लोकसभा के चुनावों का नतीजा आ चुका था और बिहार में लालू प्रसाद के नेतृत्व में यूपीए को निर्णायक बढत मिली थी। जार्ज-नीतीश के नेतृत्व में एनडीए बुरी तरह पिट चुका था। नीतीश जी मेरे घर आये थे। फ़ुरसत में थे, सो घंटों दुनिया जहान की बातें होती रहीं। मेरा कहना था कि नरेन्द्र मोदी के कारण एनडीए को हार का सामना करना पड़ा। नीतीश जी इसे मानने के लिए तैयार नहीं थे। मैं नरेन्द्र मोदी के खिलाफ़ रुख लिये हुए था। नीतीश जी ने स्थिर और गंभीर होकर कहा – नरेन्द्र मोदी बीजेपी का नया चेहरा है। वह अति पिछड़े तबके से आता है। घांची है, घांची। गुजरात की एक अत्यल्पसंख्यक पिछड़ी जाति है यह। बीजेपी की ब्राह्म्ण लाबी उसे बदनाम करने पर तुली है। इसमें वाजपेयी तक शामिल हैं। डायनमिक आदमी है। आप अगर उससे एक बार मिल लीजिएगा तो उसका प्रशंसक हो जाइएगा। निहायत गरीब परिवार से आता है। सादगी और कर्मठता कूट-कूट कर भरी है उसमें। नीतीश जी एक त्वरा (ट्रांस) में थे। वह बोले ही जा रहे थे। मोदी द्वारा दिये गये एक आतिथ्य को चुभलाते हुए  उन्होंने अपनी बात को एक विराम दिया – ‘मैं तो उसका फ़ैन हो गया हूं।‘
मुझे आश्चर्य होता है नरेन्द्र मोदी का यह फ़ैन आज उसके लिए फ़न काढकर कैसे बैठा है। क्या इसे ही राजनीति कहते हैं। क्या मुस्लिम वोट बैंक पर सेंध लगाने के लिए यह सब हो रहा है। या फ़िर कुछ और बात है।
मैं नहीं बता सकता कि असलियत क्या है। क्योंकि नीतीश कुमार से इस वक्त मेरी व्यक्तिगत दूरी है। अनुमान आखिर अनुमान होते हैं। कहनेवाले तो यह भी कहते हैं कि प्रकारांतर से नीतीश कुमार नरेन्द्र मोदी की मदद ही कर रहे हैं, वे उन्हें लगातार चर्चा में बनाये रखे हुए हैं। ऐसा मित्र लाभ भला कौन नहीं पाना चाहेगा। संभव है इस बात में कुछ सच्चाई हो, लेकिन सार्वजनिक संबंधों की जो कड़वाहट नीतीश कुमार ने पैदा की है, वह तो दिख रही है। इस कड़वाहट से शायद उन्हें किसी बड़े नतीजे की उम्मीद है। लेकिन क्या यह संभव है?
नरेन्द्र मोदी बीजेपी की ओर से प्रधानमंत्री पद के संभावित उम्मीदवार हैं। नीतीश कुमार के मन में भी इसी पद की व्याकुल लालसा है। स्वार्थ के इस टकराव ने ही मित्र को शत्रु बना दिया है। ऐसे में कोई क्या कर सकता है?
पिछले बिहार विधानसभा चुनाव के ठीक पहले जहां तक मुझे याद है जून 2010 में नीतीश कुमार ने पटना में आयोजित बीजेपी राष्ट्रीय कार्यसमिति की बैठक में शामिल होने वाले लोगों के लिए अपने सरकारी आवास पर एक भोज का आयोजन किया था। ऐन वक्त पर एक विज्ञापन का बहाना बनाकर उस भोज को रद्द कर दिया गया। विज्ञापनकर्ता कोई व्यापारी था और उसने 2009 में लोकसभा चुनाव के दौरान जालंधर में एक ही मंच से चुनावी उद्घोष कर रहे नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश कुमार की जगमग तस्वीर अखबारों में प्रकाशित करा दिया था। दरअसल वह बिहार की धरती पर इस तस्वीर के साथ नरेन्द्र मोदी का इस्तकबाल करना चाहता था। बदहवास नीतीश ने सामान्य शिष्टाचार को भी ताक पर रख दिया। बाढ के समय गुजरात सरकार द्वारा भेजी गयी सहायता राशि लौटा दी। नीतीश, नरेन्द्र मोदी से अपने संबंधों के सार्वजनिक करने के विरुद्ध थे। विज्ञापनकर्ता ने शायद इस बात को गंभीरता से नहीं समझा था कि कुछ सम्बन्ध - खासकर प्रेम सम्बन्ध – के सार्वजनिक करने खतरे ज्यादा होते हैं। यही हुआ। भाजपा नेताओं को अपमानित होना पड़ा। उन्होंने सब कुछ बर्दाश्त किया। हालांकि उन्हें इन सब का अभ्यास है। उत्तर प्रदेश की राजनीति में मायावती के नखरे भी उन्होंने खूब बर्दाश्त किये हैं। यह गठबंधन की राजनीति की विवशता है। भाजपा अपनी दुधारु गाय के लताड़ भी बर्दाश्त करेगी। असलियत तो यही है न कि भाजपा के राजनीतिक खूंटे पर नीतीश हैं। न कि नीतीश के खूंटे पर भाजपा।
2012 के राष्ट्रपति चुनाव में नीतीश ने भाजपा के उम्मीदवार का समर्थन न करके कांग्रेसी उम्मीदवार प्रणव मुखर्जी का समर्थन किया, तब एक बार फ़िर मीडिया ने नीतीश की धर्मनिरपेक्षता को थपथपाया। मीडिया ने इस बात की भी समीक्षा नहीं की कि इस मामले में धर्मनिरपेक्षता की बात कहां आती है। क्या भाजपा समर्थित उम्मीदवार संगमा सांप्रदायिक चरित्र के हैं? और नहीं तो फ़िर क्या कांग्रेस ही धर्मनिरपेक्षता का असली घराना है। नीतीश इस बीच ऐसा अलाप लगाया मानों वह ही धर्मनिरपेक्षता के मुख्य ध्वजवाहक हैं और इस मुल्क की सेक्यूलर पालिटिक्स बस उन्हीं के बूते चल रही है। किसी ने भी वास्तविकता को सामने लाने का साहस नहीं किया कि प्रणव मुखर्जी कांग्रेस से अधिक अंबानी घराने के उम्मीदवार थे, और नीतीश को इस घराने के विरुद्ध जाने की हिम्मत नहीं थी; क्योंकि इस घराने का एक दूत नीतीश के दल में सांसद के रुप में बना हुआ है, और पू रे दल को संचालित करता है। नीतीश की पीठ थपथपा रहे लोगों को भी याद रखना चाहिए कि प्रणव के समर्थन में नीतीश थे, तो बगल में बाल ठाकरे भी थे।
मैं उनलोगों में नहीं हूं, जो नरेंद्र मोदी को गोधरा उपरान्त दंगों के लिए क्लीन चिट दे चुके हैं, या फ़िर बाबरी मस्जिद मामले के लिए आडवाणी के कृत्यों को भूल चुके हैं। 2002 का गुजरात दंगा भयावह था और मुख्यमंत्री के रुप में नरेन्द्र मोदी की जिम्मेवारी थी कि वह उसे रोकें। मैं उन्हें आज भी दोषी मानता हूं। लेकिन क्या वह अकेले दोषी थे? उस वक्त केन्द्र में अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी प्रधानमंत्री थे। उन्होंने गुजरात सरकार को बर्खास्त क्यों नहीं किया? उनके पास तो बाबरी मस्जिद ध्वंस के बाद कई राज्य सरकारों को एक साथ बर्खास्त किये जाने का उदाहरण मौजूद था। वाजपेयी ने गुजरात दंगों के पूर्व बिहार में सेनारी नरसंहार पर बिहार सरकार को बर्खास्त कर राष्ट्रपति शासन लगाया था। सेनारी दुर्घटना से गुजरात दंगे कहीं ज्यादा भयावह थे। जब एक नरसंहार के लिए बिहार सरकार बर्खास्त हो सकती थी, तो फ़िर गुजरात सरकार क्यों नहीं? क्या नरेन्द्र मोदी ने अकेले राजधर्म का पालन नहीं किया था? वाजपेयी कौन से राजधर्म का पालन कर रहे थे।
और वाजपेयी को मसीहा मानने वाले नीतीश कुमार ने तब किस राजधर्म का पालन किया था? नरेन्द्र मोदी की आज वे चाहे जितनी तौहीन कर लें, उन्हें यह नहीं भूलना चाहिए कि उस वक्त रेलमंत्री वही थे और गोधरा कांड रेल में ही हुआ था। उसके पूर्व गाइसल ट्रेन दुर्घटना में नैतिक जिम्मेदारी लेते हुए रेल मंत्री पद से त्यागपत्र देने वाले (हालांकि त्यागत्रित सरकार से) नीतीश गोधरा हादसे का निरीक्षण के लिए भी प्रस्तुत नहीं हुए। आश्चर्य है कि यह आदमी भी आज नरेन्द्र मोदी को नसीहत दे रहा है और वह भी दंगों को लेकर।
नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश कुमार दोनों गोधरा मामले में दूध धुले नहीं हैं। दोनों ने, और फ़िर दोनों के दादागुरु वाजपेयी ने भी तब राजधर्म का पालन नहीं किया था। दोनों विज्ञापन प्रिय हैं, और दोनों ने विकास पुरुष की पट्टी अपने माथे पर खुद बांध रखी है। उपलब्धियों की बात की जाय तो गुजरात और बिहार दोनों राज्यों में बेहतरह असमानता बढी है। दोनों जगह के अमीर ज्यादा पावरफ़ुल हुए हैं, और गरीब ज्यादा दयनीय।

लेकिन नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश कुमार में कुछ गैरमामूली अंतर भी है। नीतीश बिहार के कुलक उच्चकुर्मी परिवार से आते हैं और नरेन्द्र मोदी गुजरात के निर्धन अति पिछड़े घांची परिवार से। नीतीश के पिता आयुर्वेदिक वैद्यराज और कांग्रेसी नेता थे जबकि नरेन्द्र के पिता मामूली चाय दुकानदार- जहां नरेन्द्र ने अपना बचपन ग्राहकों के जूठे गिलास मांजकर गुजारा। नीतीश इंजीनियरिंग की पढाई कर रहे थे, तब नरेन्द्र एक वकील परिवार के घर में डोमेस्टिक हेल्पर थे – जहां रोज नौ कमरों की सफ़ाई और पन्द्रह लोगों के खाना बनाने का काम उन्हें करना पड़ता था। उन्होंने प्राइवेट परीक्षायें देकर येन केन प्रकारेण डिग्रियां हासिल की हैं और जो सीखा है दुनिया की खुली युनिवर्सिटी में सीखा है। वह दक्षिणपंथी राजनीति से जुड़े हैं, लेकिन उनका बचपन और युवावस्था रुसी लेखक मैक्सिम गोर्की की तरह संघर्षमय रहा है। एक अंतर और रहा है नरेन्द्र मोदी और नीतीश में। मुख्यमंत्री के रुप में भी नरेन्द्र सादगी पसंद रहे हैं। उन्होंने चापलूसों-चाटुकारों को अपने से दूर ही रखा है। दागदार लोगों से जुड़ना नरेन्द्र मोदी पसंद नहीं आया। लेकिन यही बात नीतीश कुमार के लिए नहीं कही जा सकती। कभी साफ़-सुथरी छवि वाले नीतीश आज विवादों से घिरे हैं। उनकी जीवन शैली बदल चुकी है। आरटीआई से प्राप्त जानकारी के मुताबिक अपने सरकारी आवास और पैतृक गांव को संवारने में उन्होंने सरकारी खजाने से सैंकड़ों करोड़ रुपए खर्च किये हैं। चापलूस, अपराधी और दागदार आज उनकी खास पसंद हैं और अपने खानदान की मूर्तियां स्थापित करने में मायावती से वह थोड़ा ही पीछे हैं।

                                                       (Published in  Forward Press, September, 2012 Issue)
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